上星期五和玉米去看了《1895》，一部以客語為主，講述 1895 年居民抵抗日本接收台灣的電影。在首映夜買到了不錯的位子，電影結束之後才發現今天的場放完之後都有談話會，演員和導演會走進來讓大家提問。
整部電影，我最強烈的感覺只有一個：「戰爭真恐怖，台灣應該永遠不該有戰爭。」電影傳達了一種巨大的悲傷，一種時代的無奈。很不幸的，台灣在這年之後接下來 20 年的歷史是層出不窮的 insurgency、riot，就是你現在看伊拉克新聞會看到的那些單字。Taiwanese Iraq。
我在談話會的時候舉手問了導演，他拍攝這個台灣歷史上最大的地面戰爭的故事想要傳達的是什麼？導演的回答是：「我拍了故事是那個時代的人怎麼愛台灣；我想要讓大家思考，我們現在能用什麼方法愛台灣？」
感覺被回丟了一個更大的問題 (笑)。在最近發生這麼多事之中，這可能是最核心的意義。
This is a non-partisan message aim to express the concern about recent police brutality and excess use of power during Chen’s visit. We may disagree whether Chen should visit Taiwan or not, but we all agree the government should not abuse its power.
I am Tim GT Chien, and I endorse this message.
這是一個無關黨派的靜坐活動，目標是在於表達在陳會長訪台期間警察藉維安之名的所作所為的抗議；我們或許對陳會長來訪的意義有不同的解讀，但是我們都同意政府不應濫用人民給予它的權利。
我在這裡支持這項聲明。
抗議警察暴力！捍衛自由人權！
Protest police brutality! Defend freedom and human rights!
(Sit-in Activity Statement)從11月3日開始，中國海協會代表團來臺與政府簽署各項協定，同時在臺北各處，就陸續出現警方藉「維安」之名，對各類以和平方式表達不同意見者，進行粗暴的盤查、損毀、沒收、禁制、拉扯、驅離甚至拘捕。絕大多數遭致警察暴力相向的民眾，根本不曾靠近陳雲林人身，有的市民甚至只是路過、停留或單純拍攝記錄，即遭受上述對待。
Starting on November 3, with the visit of representatives from China’s Association for Relations Across theTaiwan Strait (ARATS) to sign various agreements with our government , police officers have engaged in numerous abusive acts against peaceful protestors from various dissenting groups, under the guise of “keeping the peace”. These acts have included arbitrary searches and prohibitions, seizure and destruction of property, physical assault, dispersion, and even arrest and detention. The vast majority of the victims of this police brutality were nowhere near ARATS Chairman Chen Yunlin, and were simply passing, standing, or photographing various areas when they were victimized.
透過媒體畫面傳送，我們驚覺事態嚴重¬—這已經不是維安有否過當的技術問題、更不只是政黨認同選擇的問題，而是暴力化的國家公權，對市民社會的嚴重挑釁和侵犯。所有彷彿戒嚴、罔顧自由人權與民主價值的管控鎮壓，連執政黨的國會議員都質問行政院長；卻只見身為最高責任主管的劉揆，仍在輕佻地詭辯和推責。實在令人既錯愕憤怒，又深感羞辱和不安。
Through reports in the media, we have come to realize the seriousness of the current situation. It is no longer a technical question of excessive law enforcement tactics, nor is it simply a partisan issue between supporters of various political parties. This is a proliferation of state sponsored violence that is provoking and attacking civil society. All these oppressive acts, which ignore human rights and democratic values are reminiscent of martial law. Even legislators from the ruling party have expressed concern over this issue to the Executive Yuan, only to see the chief authority – Premier Liu, dodge responsibility while providing only the flimsiest of excuses. We are stunned and outraged by this response, as well as ashamed and increasingly uneasy.
我們不禁要問：難道要強化兩岸經貿交流，也必須透過降低臺灣的民主自由程度、以達成與中國同樣極權統治的水準嗎？
We must ask: Does increasing cross-Strait exchange require Taiwan to lower its standards of freedom and democracy, in order to achieve the same level of repressive authoritarian rule that China has?
才不過短短幾天，臺灣人民好不容易匍匐建立的民主自由體制，在滿城的警力、威嚇的氛圍與強勢的防堵中，幾近崩解。我們政府，在如同警察國家的武裝保護裡，自我陶醉於「歷史性儀式」的想像、與酒酣耳熱的輪番大宴中。於此，憲法所保障人民的自由言論與行動權利，完全地被擱置、甚至忘卻。
In only a few short days, the liberal democracy that the people of Taiwan have fought so hard for has nearly collapsed amid massive police presence in the city, and the atmosphere of fear and repression that it brings. Behind its police state-like barricades, our government remains blinded by its delusions of a “meeting of historic proportions”, and indulges itself in its receptions and banquets. Through this all, the peoples’ constitutionally guaranteed rights to freedom of speech and movement have been cast aside, and even forgotten.
為多數的強勢作為根本違憲違法，無怪乎鏡頭前沒有一個警察能理直氣壯說出，他們根據何種「法律」，執行這般上級交待的勤務。警察原是保護人民的公僕，如今在這政府由上而下的嚴峻要求中，竟競相成了限制與懲罰人民表達意見的打手。我們無意歸咎個別只能服從上命的員警，相對的，我們嚴正要求下達此一惡令的政府高層，必須負起最大的政治責任。
As many of their actions are unconstitutional, it is not surprising that not a single police officer before the cameras has been able to definitively state what law empowers them to carry out the orders issued to them by their superiors. Police officers are supposed to be civil servants charged with protecting the people. Yet under the outrageous requests issued from above, they have become thugs restricting and punishing the people for expressing their opinions. We have no intention of blaming individual police officers who can only obey orders issued by their superiors. Rather, we solemnly demand that the highest authorities in the government bear the
largest share of political responsibility for these abuses.們只是一群憂心臺灣混亂現況與未來發展的大學教授、學生、文化工作者和市民，在沒有任何政黨與團體動員及奧援的前提下，十一月六日（四）上午十一點，將自發性地集結於行政院大門前，以「著黑衣、戴口罩」作為沈痛抗議的象徵，並牽手靜坐至訴求達成為止。我們的訴求是：
We are simply a group of university professors, students, cultural workers, and citizens who are concerned about Taiwan’s current state of disorder and future development. At 11AM on November 6, without any support or mobilization from any political party or civic group, we will assemble at the gate of the Executive Yuan in black clothes and face masks symbolizing our painful protest, and will join hands sitting in civil disobedience until our requests are met. Our requests include:
- 馬英九總統和行政院長劉兆玄必須公開向國人道歉。
President Ma Ying-jeou and Premier Liu Chao-shiuan must publicly apologize to all citizens.- 警政署長王卓鈞、國安局長蔡朝明，應立刻下臺。
National Police Agency Director-General Wang Cho-chiun and National Security Bureau Director Tsai Chaoming must step down.- 立法院應儘速修改限縮人民權利的「集會遊行法」。
The Legislative Yuan must revise the Parade and Assembly Law, which currently restricts the rights of the people.
You can also read the statement and download PDF version from here.
Update: 對於集會遊行法修改的具體訴求：
對於集會遊行法我們有以下幾點具體建議：(1)許可制改為報備制。政府不應事前審查，預設人民的集會遊行會違法；(2)檢討禁制區之規定。集會遊行是手無寸鐵、無權無勢者陳情抗議的方法，現行的禁制區規定卻不容人民挑戰行政機關；(3)規定警察執法的界線。避免警察無限上綱、恣意妄為；(4)取消刑罰，改採行政罰。就同樣的行為而言，集會遊行法規定的罰則比其他法律苛重，違反比例原則。
This election had many firsts and many stories that will be told for generations. But one that’s on my mind tonight is about a woman who cast her ballot in Atlanta. She’s a lot like the millions of others who stood in line to make their voice heard in this election except for one thing — Ann Nixon Cooper is 106 years old.
這次選舉有許多的史無前例，有許多我們可以世世代代傳頌的事蹟。但是今晚在我心中的有一件事，關於一位在亞特蘭大投票的女性。她就像其他數百萬的選民一樣，在投票所門口排隊，為了就是表達自己的意見。但是有個特別之處 —— 她，Ann Nixon Cooper，已經 106 歲了。
She was born just a generation past slavery; a time when there were no cars on the road or planes in the sky; when someone like her couldn’t vote for two reasons — because she was a woman and because of the color of her skin.
她生在奴隸制度剛被廢除的下一代；一個路上沒有汽車，天上也沒有飛機的時代；像她一樣的人在當時，因為兩個原因無法投票 —— 因為她是女性、因為她的膚色。
And tonight, I think about all that she’s seen throughout her century in America — the heartache and the hope; the struggle and the progress; the times we were told that we can’t, and the people who pressed on with that American creed: Yes we can.
而今晚，我思考著她活在美國親眼所見、親自跨過的世紀 —— 她的痛心與希望；她的掙扎與上進；那個別人說我們不行，但我們把自己寄託在美國的信念：是的，我們可以。
At a time when women’s voices were silenced and their hopes dismissed, she lived to see them stand up and speak out and reach for the ballot. Yes we can.
當女性的權利與聲音被消除，她們的願望被駁回，她活在那個時代，站起來勇於爭取她應得的投票權利：是的，我們可以。
When there was despair in the dust bowl and depression across the land, she saw a nation conquer fear itself with a New Deal, new jobs and a new sense of common purpose. Yes we can.
當絕望取代了我們的薪糧且蕭條掃過了土地，她見到一個國家戰勝了恐懼，以羅斯福的新政、新工作機會與新的共同奮鬥的目標：是的，我們可以。
When the bombs fell on our harbor and tyranny threatened the world, she was there to witness a generation rise to greatness and a democracy was saved. Yes we can.
當敵人空襲我們的港口，當獨裁政權威脅世界，她在那裡目擊一個世代的人們奮起且延續了民主：是的，我們可以。
She was there for the buses in Montgomery, the hoses in Birmingham, a bridge in Selma, and a preacher from Atlanta who told a people that “We Shall Overcome.” Yes we can.
她在那裡眼見 Montgomery 的巴士、Birmingham 驅除群眾的水管、Selma 被示威民眾佔滿的橋，與一位亞特蘭大來的牧師對人們說「我們能克服」(譯按: 指黑人民權運動)。是的，我們可以。
A man touched down on the moon, a wall came down in Berlin, a world was connected by our own science and imagination. And this year, in this election, she touched her finger to a screen, and cast her vote, because after 106 years in America, through the best of times and the darkest of hours, she knows how America can change. Yes we can.
當人到達了月球、柏林的圍牆倒塌了、我們的想像與科技緊密的連接了世界。今年，她用手指輕觸螢幕，投下她的一票，因為在 106 年後的美國，經歷了最好的時光與最黑暗的時刻，她知道美國可以怎麼改變。是的，我們可以。
America, we have come so far. We have seen so much. But there is so much more to do. So tonight, let us ask ourselves — if our children should live to see the next century; if my daughters should be so lucky to live as long as Ann Nixon Cooper, what change will they see? What progress will we have made?
美國，我們已經走過這麼多了。我們已經經歷這麼多了。但是還有很多事情等待我們完成。所以今晚，讓我們捫心自問 —— 若我們的孩子能活到下個世紀；如果我的女兒們夠幸運，能活的和 Ann Nixon Cooper 一樣長壽，她們能看到什麼改變？我們能完成什麼樣的進展？
曾經有個說法，美國為何是個民族「大熔爐」，而不是一盤民族「大沙拉」，就是因為美國本身在這些文化互相衝擊的過程，社會和民主制度能不斷成長。Obama，做為美國熔爐的最佳代表，當選演說也寫出了這樣的價值。
而台灣呢？一世紀之後，我們這一代能完成什麼可以傳頌的事蹟呢？我們是否在大國的夾縫中解決了台灣「問題」，找到保障台灣永遠民主、自由、繁榮的地位與方法？我們自認我們的社會制度已經夠完美了，還是我們能謙虛的說，還可以做的更好？我們已經保障了所有人的人權與民權嗎？
很遺憾的，我在檯面上的政治人物看不到這樣的宏觀。要統一、獨立，要緊密合作、或是謹慎封鎖，大家各有看法；但是，我找不到一個論述告訴我這樣就能保障台灣的永遠民主、自由、繁榮。這是我認為的最高價值，也是應該要留給島上後代子孫的寶物。